Personalidades de diferentes ámbitos de la vida política y social brasileña opinan sobre la evolución política de Brasil ¿Camina Brasil hacia un golpe de Estado?. Personalities from different fields of Brazilian politics and social life say about political developments in Brazil Do you walk Brazil to a coup?
En la madrugada del día
31 de Julio de 2015 el Instituto Lula, situado en el barrio de Ipiranga
de São Paulo, fue objeto de un atentado; a pesar de que la autoria del
atentado, que fue con una bomba casera, sigue sin esclarecer, todo
parece señalar que es el resultado de una escalada de violencia en la
que el “odio diseminado por los blogeros, columnistas y revistas
transformadas en panfletos del odio y la mentira”, como señalaba Rodrigo
Vianna en el Escrevinhador (31/07/15), el odio de las palabras,
precedió al odio de las bombas. Una deriva que está perfectamente
analizada por Renata Mielli, secretaria general del Centro de Estudos da
Mídia Alternativa Barão de Itararé, en un artículo publicado en su blog
Janela sobre a palabra, bajo el título ¿Sumisión o convivencia? El lugar de los medios de comunicación en el debate político*:
«En
los últimos años, las consecutivas victorias electorales de una
coalición de centro-izquierda en el país llevaron al exacerbamiento de
la conflictividad política nacional a consecuencia de la elevación del
tono opositor que la mayoría de los medios de comunicación brasileños
asumieron frente al gobierno.
Tras cada derrota electoral,
frente a una derecha desorganizada partidariamente y sin un liderato
político claro, los medios de comunicación asumieron el papel, no de
portavoz de los sectores conservadores y de la élite económica, si no de
organizador y líder de la derecha, marcando su agenda e, incluso, yendo
más lejos: los editoriales de algunos periódicos llegaron, a lo largo
de este período, a dar recados y a marcar la estrategia de los líderes
políticos de la oposición.
Al tomar parte en la discusión
política asumiendo el liderazgo de uno de los bandos, los medios de
comunicación se uniformizaron de una forma nunca vista antes en Brasil
adoptando un discurso único, con los mismos titulares en todos los
medios de comunicación, para conseguir el mismo objetivo: derrotar al
gobierno» .
*El artículo íntegro, publicado el 15 de Junio de 2015, se encuentra disponible en el sitio http://renatamielli.blogspot.com.es/
Precisamente,
para frenar esta estrategia golpista de la oposición al gobierno, los
sectores más conscientes de la sociedad brasileña están organizando
distintas marchas y actos en defensa de la democracia, como la 5ª Marcha de las Margaritas,
convocada para los días 11 y 12 de agosto por la Unión Brasileña de
Mujeres (UBM), la Marcha Mundial de las Mujeres (MMM), la Central Única
de los Trabajadores (CUT), la Central de los Trabajadores y Trabajadoras
de Brasil (CTB) y otras organizaciones feministas y sociales de Brasil,
y el Día Nacional de Lucha en defensa de la democracia y
contra el golpismo, convocada para el 20 de agosto por diferentes
entidades políticas y sociales, entre las que se encuentran la Central
de los Trabajadores y Trabajadoras de Brasil (CTB), la Unión Nacional de
los Estudiantes (UNE) y el Movimiento de los Trabajadores Sin Techo
(MTST). Ambas movilizaciones convocadas con un objetivo común: la
defensa de la democracia y el rechazo a maniobras golpistas, como se
denuncia en el Manifiesto de la 5ª Marcha de las Margaritas*:
«Decimos
a todas y a todos que no aceptaremos ninguna forma de golpe. No
aceptamos los ataques a la democracia y exigimos respeto a la elección
soberana del pueblo en las urnas. ¡Compañeras, mujeres de todo Brasil,
trabajadoras del campo, de la selva y de las aguas, mujeres trabajadoras
de las ciudades, seguimos en marcha y convocamos a todos los
movimientos sociales y a todos los compañeros de lucha a sumarse a
nosotras! Vamos juntas y juntos a mantener nuestro coraje y osadía en la
lucha de clases en defensa del proyecto democrático que elegimos para
el país. Reafirmamos nuestra lucha por un Brasil soberano, democrático,
laico, justo e igualitario y por una vida libre de violencia, con
autonomía, igualdad y libertad para las mujeres » .
*El Manifiesto íntegro se puede leer en el sitio http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/268353-8.
A
continuación se presentan una serie de entrevistas, a activistas
sociales, líderes políticos y sindicales, profesionales de la
judicatura…, algunas editadas para los medios originales de Brasil y
otras seleccionadas por Alfredo Iglesias Diéguez para Rebelión, en las que reflexionan sobre el proceso político que está atravesando Brasil.
1. ¿Moción de censura o golpe de Estado?
En el transcurso de una larga entrevista concedida a la revista Justificando*,
el presidente de la Asociación de Jueces para la Democracia, el juez
André Bezerra, conversó sobre los intentos de justificar la moción de
censura por parte de algunos sectores de la oposición; el juez lo tiene
claro: una moción de censura sin fundamento jurídico es un golpe de
Estado, como dejó claro en un momento de la entrevista.
«Justificando: Los medios de comunicación hablan a menudo de una moción de censura (impeachment
en el original), a la presidenta Dilma. En su opinión, esa tesis tiene
fundamento; ¿está basada en una interpretación sensata de la ley?
André Bezerra: Mire, para que haya un impeachment
es necesario que haya un fundamento. Por ahora, aún no he visto ningún
fundamento. Eso desde el punto de vista jurídico. Desde el punto de
vista político, es la conveniencia y la oportunidad de atacar a una
persona que recibió millones de votos. Políticamente, me parece una
falta de respeto a esos millones de brasileños. Además, repito, desde el punto de vista jurídico, no hay fundamento.
Justificando: Explique mejor el significado de la expresión ‘haber fundamento’.
André Bezerra: Por ejemplo: la presidente de la República ganó dinero de Petrobras.
Justificando: Recientemente se comparó esta situación con la vivida por
el ex presidente Fernando Collor. En el caso de Collor, ¿hubo
fundamento? ¿Ve usted el paralelismo?
André Bezerra
: Sí, en el caso de Collor hubo un fundamento. Además, él fue procesado
criminalmente. Fue procesado criminalmente por el procurador general de
la República. Repara en la diferencia. El actual procurador general de
la República ni siquiera está investigando a la presidenta Dilma. En el
caso de Collor, la procuraduría general fue parte denunciante del caso.
En aquel caso, años después, Collor fue absuelto porque el proceso
criminal se tiene que basar en hechos jurídicos. El político no, es todo
un juicio de conveniencia parlamentar. Pero tenga en cuenta que Collor
fue denunciado... y para que alguien sea denunciado, desde el traficante
de Cracolandia (1) hasta el presidente de la República, es preciso
tener pruebas materiales e indicios de que esa persona cometió un
crimen. Indicio ya es el inicio de una prueba. Contra la actual
presidenta ni siquiera hay ese inicio de prueba. La diferencia es muy
grande.
Justificando: ¿Acierta quien dice que la insistencia en la tesis del impeachment es un movimiento golpista?
André Bezerra: Entiendo que sí. A pesar de que esté previsto en la Constitución, el impeachment tiene que tener un fundamento. Si no hay fundamento, el impeachment
se convierte en un golpe de Estado. Es el llamado golpe paraguayo, en
referencia a la destitución del ex presidente Fernando Lugo en 2012, el
golpe de Estado de moda en la América Latina del siglo XXI, el golpe de
Estado con barniz constitucional, en el cual se cita como fundamento
para la destitución del mandatario un principio constitucional que en
principio está siendo vulnerado, aunque no venga demasiado a cuento.
Asimismo, es importante destacar que el impeachment, aunque está
previsto en la Constitución, no es un mecanismo para destituir a un
presidente impopular, como se está diciendo por ahí».
* El texto íntegro de esta entrevista, publicada el 21 de Julio de 2015, se puede consultar en el sitio http://justificando.com/2015/07/21/impeachment-sem-fundamento-e-golpe-diz-juiz/
2. ¿A quién le interesa un golpe de Estado?
En el transcurso de una entrevista concedida a radio Vermelho*,
el ex presidente del Partido Comunista de Brasil (PCdoB), Renato
Rabelo, conversó con Joanne Mota sobre el golpe de Estado
judicial-mediático promovido por la oposición en contra de la presidenta
Dilma; el veterano líder comunista lo tiene claro: en el momento actual
se está gestando un golpe policial-judicial-mediático contra el país,
como dejó claro en un momento de la entrevista.
«Al analizar los
últimos acontecimientos e identificar cada movimiento de la oposición
conservadora, Renato Rabelo afirmó que “vivimos en un momento muy
especial. […] Estamos ante un golpe policial-judicial-mediático contra
el país en el que, para la oposición, vale todo con tal de destruir cada
conquista arduamente alcanzada en estos últimos 12 años”.
Con respeto a la escalada de ataques contra la presidenta Dilma, Renato
Rabelo afirmó que la oposición “no tienen nada que ofrecer, por eso
intentan frenar a toda costa las iniciativas puestas en marcha por la
presidenta Dilma para retomar la senda del crecimiento”, señalando a los
medios de comunicación como “viejos socios de esa oposición que sirven a
los intereses del capital internacional y a las élites conservadoras de
Brasil”.
Reflexionando sobre la reciente Convención del
PSDB (2), el veterano dirigente comunista alertó que “no poseen
alternativa, tan sólo el ataque a los proyectos que realmente le están
cambiando la cara a Brasil”.
Tras la cuarta derrota
electoral, el PSDB no pararon de urdir una trama de desgaste del
gobierno de la presidenta Dilma: “primero con la exigencia del recuento
de votos, después con los intentos de crear un clima de desgobierno y,
ahora, se amparan en la operación Lava Jato (3). Lo que ellos buscan es
hacer realidad una especie de golpe legal”. Señalando el objetivo de ese
‘golpe de aventureros’: “atacar el corazón de la legalidad conquistada
con el sudor y la sangre de los brasileños”, concluyó Renato Rabelo».
* El texto completo de esta entrevista, publicada en forma de artículo por Joanne Mota el 6 de Julio de 2015 en el portal Vermelho, se puede consultar en el sitio http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/266899-326.
3. La sombra del pasado: el golpe de Estado de 1964
El
escenario político actual también fue objeto de comparación con los
acontecimientos que tuvieron lugar en 1964, momento en que la oligarquía
brasileña apoyó un golpe de Estado protagonizado por algunos sectores
de las fuerzas armadas brasileñas que depusieron al presidente electo
João Goulart, a quien se acusaba de conducir al país hacia el comunismo.
En esa dirección van dos entrevistas que presentamos a continuación.
En la entrevista concedida por Hildegard Angel a João Pedro Werneck para radio Vermelho*,
la periodista de sociedad y veterana militante de izquierdas, cuyo
hermano fue una de las víctimas de la represión desatada tras el golpe
de 1964, fue muy clara: las semejanzas entre 1964 y 2015 no son
coincidencias, es el resultado de compartir un mismo proyecto, como dejó
claro en un momento de la entrevista.
«João Pedro Werneck: ¿Vive Brasil un clima de golpismo? ¿Por qué?
Hildegard Angel:
Porque la oposición no consigue conquistar el poder por el voto. La
oposición representa las fuerzas conservadoras, el capital, el
reaccionarismo, el neoliberalismo y todo lo que ya se vio que no hizo
nada bueno en el resto del mundo y que hasta fue condenado
recientemente, en el transcurso de su visita a Bolivia, por el Papa,
cuando defendió la necesidad de ‘cambios en las estructuras mundiales’ y
reconoció que el sistema capitalista de la forma en que viene
funcionando, ‘impone la lógica de los beneficios a cualquier precio, sin
pararse a pensar en la exclusión social o en la destrucción de la
naturaleza’. Ocurre que en los últimos 12 años, en Brasil, tuvimos
gobiernos que se preocuparon justamente por eso, por la exclusión
social, por la destrucción de la naturaleza… y, además, defendiendo la
soberanía nacional. Como agravante, además, tenemos el fabuloso
patrimonio que supuso el descubrimiento del presal (4). Todo eso
favorece y fomenta el golpismo. Vemos como se repite el clima de 1954 y
de 1964 y ahora, en 2015, aunque la verdad es que este proceso viene de
lejos, habiendo recrudecido en el año 2014, tenemos la tentativa de un
nuevo golpe de Estado ya que el candidato de las élites, a pesar de
todas las investigaciones falsificadas, los titulares de prensa
mentirosos y los reportajes sin fundamento, no consiguió vencer en las
elecciones.
João Pedro Werneck: ¿Qué
coincidencias observa usted en los acontecimientos de hoy con respecto a
los que tuvieron lugar durante el golpe de Estado de 1964?
Hildegard Angel: No se trata de coincidencias.
Se trata del mismo proyecto. Son proyectos iguales. Hoy tenemos el
Instituto Millenium (5), que reúne a los mayores empresarios del país;
en el año 1964, estaba el IPES, el Instituto de Investigaciones
Económicas y Sociales, con los dueños de las empresas que apoyaron el
golpe y cuyas fortunas se multiplicaron.
João Pedro Werneck: ¿Tiene alguna idea de cómo salir de esta situación?
Hildegard Angel: No tengo ese nivel de sabiduría; no obstante,
considero que hoy, con la resistencia de los medios de comunicación
sociales, es más complicado hacer escaramuzas por detrás del telón, a
espaldas del pueblo, como pasó en los años 1954 y 1964. Es más
complicado, por ejemplo, para algunos políticos, periodistas,
intelectuales, artistas e incluso empresarios que quieren figurar como
vestales y defensores del país, hacer ese juego sucio sin ser
inmediatamente desenmascarados y denunciados. Y otra cuestión, apuntada
creo que por Nassif (6), es que los golpistas no tienen a las Fuerzas
Armadas de su lado; lo que tienen a su favor es lo que hay de más bajo,
iletrado, extremista y fascista, macartismo puro. Nuestras Fuerzas
Armadas saben lo que le pesaron históricamente los descalabros de
algunos, que se fueron de la cuenta y actuaron más allá de la razón,
durante el período dictatorial. Las Fuerzas Armadas no apoyarán nada que
exceda de los límites constitucionales. No hay nada que justifique un impeachment y, si lo hubiese, sería un golpe de Estado. Las Fuerzas Armadas no mancharán sus uniformes».
* El texto completo de esta entrevista, publicada el 19 de Julio de 2015 en el portal Vermelho, se puede consultar en el sitio http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/267606-1.
En
la entrevista concedida por el periodista Vicente Goulart, hijo del
presidente Goulart y presidente de la Fundación que lleva su nombre, a
Érica Aragão para la Central Única de los Trabajadores (CUT)* fue muy
claro: las maniobras políticas de hoy recuerdan a las de 1964, dijo en
un momento de la entrevista.
«En entrevista publicada en el
sitio de la CUT, João Vicente Goulart identifica algunas semejanzas
entre las coyuntura política actual y la que antecediera al golpe de
Estado de 1964, que depuso al entonces presidente Jango (7).
“Hoy vemos jugadas políticas que recuerdan mucho a 1964”, dijo João
Vicente Goulart, afirmando que el financiamiento empresarial es la gran
conexión entre la actualidad y el año 1964.
Y continúa:
“Hoy la situación es la misma, tanto en lo que se refiere a los medios
de comunicación como al Congreso y al financiamiento empresarial. Es el
momento de un gran frente nacional. Pienso que los partidos de
izquierdas, los sindicatos y los movimientos sociales y populares,
deberían constituir ese frente y luchar por algunos puntos en común, que
son: no al retroceso, no al ajuste fiscal y para exigir más derechos
para los trabajadores y más conquistas sociales”.
Con
respeto a las similitudes entre las cámaras legislativas de 1964 y 2015,
afirma: “el presidente de la Cámara, Eduardo Cunha, por ejemplo, es un
calco del entonces presidente del Senado, Aldo Moura de Andrade, quien
decretó vacante la Presidencia de la República en 1964, legitimando el
golpe civil y militar a pesar de que el presidente estaba dentro del
país, en Porto Alegre, intentando resistir”.
Seguidamente, el entrevistado afirmó que “las elites no soportarían
perder otras elecciones”. “Están articulando un caballo de carreras
paraguayo (8), del mismo modo que aconteció con el presidente Lugo en
Paraguay”.
“A pesar de la gran diferencia temporal, son
muchas las semejanzas: el Congreso de la época, el golpe que estaba
siendo preparado en 1964 y las traiciones políticas como las que tienen
lugar en estos momentos, principalmente en la base parlamentaria de
apoyo al gobierno”, compara João Vicente Goulart.
Asimismo, destacó el papel de los medios de comunicación en el golpe de
Estado. “Jango fue tachado de comunista por los grandes medios de
comunicación debido a que cuando el presidente Jânio Quadros renunció,
Jango, que era vicepresidente y tendría que asumir el poder, estaba en
China. Y en esa época quien era amigo de China era comunista”, explica
João Vicente Goulart, quien además recordó los numerosos titulares de
prensa que en esos días animaban a participar en actos de la derecha
conservadora, como la “Marcha de la Familia con Dios por la Libertad”.
Sosteniendo, por otra parte, que las distintas manifestaciones que se
produjeron aquellos días, que normalmente se considera que no tenían
ninguna conexión entre sí, ya que se admite que fueron la expresión
espontánea de algunos sectores de la población, en realidad estaban
sólidamente coordinadas por las élites, que usaron para ese fin a la
prensa».
* El texto completo de la entrevista, publicada en
forma de artículo por Érica Aragão el 29 de Julio de 2015 en el portal
de la Central Única de los Trabajadores (CUT), se puede consultar en el
sitio
4. La movilización frente al golpismo
El próximo 16 de Agosto de 2015, tras el escaso éxito de las
movilizaciones de marzo y abril, que en el mejor de los casos
congregaron a 25 mil personas en la Explanada de Brasilia, está
convocada una nueva ‘mega-manifestación’, una Marcha por la libertad ,
según los promotores del Movimiento Brasil Libre, una organización
apartidaría que busca movilizar a los ciudadanos a favor de una sociedad
más libre, justa y próspera en cuya cuenta en Facebook se pueden
leer comentarios como el siguiente, valorando la presencia de 100
miembros del Movimiento en la sede del Congreso presionando a los
parlamentarios del PP, el PR y el PRB para que apoyen el impeachment: “equipo del MBL en el instante que invade el Congreso para presionar a los parlamentarios a favor del impeachment. ¡La guerra ha comenzado!
[El subrayado es de Alfredo Iglesias Diéguez]. Cuatro días después, el
20 de Agosto, las fuerzas sociales, sindicales y políticas que apoyan el
gobierno de la presidenta Dilma para fortalecer las conquistas sociales
y democráticas de los últimos 12 años, convocaron un acto en defensa de
la democracia en todo Brasil. A continuación recogemos la opinión de
algunos de los líderes sociales, sindicales y políticos que apoyan esa
movilización contra el golpismo.
En la entrevista concedida a Joanne Mota para radio Vermelho*
Luciana Santos, presidenta del Partido Comunista de Brasil (PCdoB), se
manifestó a favor de un amplio frente popular que frene el complot
golpista en marcha, ya que “nos encontramos en un ambiente de odio de
clase, de mucha intolerancia, en el que la coacción forma parte del
debate político, siendo ese el motivo que nos convoca a la
responsabilidad, a unir fuerzas y a luchar”.
«De acuerdo con
la presidenta del PCdoB estamos ante una estrategia que tiene como único
objetivo obstaculizar los avances: “están intentando, a toda costa,
poner a la presidenta Dilma contra las cuerdas. Siendo ése, también, el
sentido en el que van los ataques orquestados contra el ex presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva”.
Luciana Santos afirmó, durante la entrevista, que la derecha, en
especial el PSDB, no tiene autoridad política: “ellos –resaltó
refiriéndose al gobierno del PSDB durante la década de los 90 del siglo
XX-, ya gobernaron Brasil y protagonizaron un capítulo muy triste de
nuestra historia. Ellos no tienen alternativa, lo que ofrecen es
retroceso”.
Seguidamente, la dirigente comunista se
preguntó: “Entonces, ¿a qué obedecen estos ataques?”De acuerdo con su
respuesta, el único miedo que tienen es a que haya un nuevo crecimiento
económico: “de ahí el ataque al símbolo de la fuerza de Brasil:
Petrobras; de ahí el discurso de que la economía marcha sin control; de
ahí esa ola golpista que tiene como principal aliado a los medios de
comunicación burgueses”.
En otro momento de la
entrevista, Luciana Santos analizó lo que hay detrás de la operación
Lava Jato, advirtiendo que “en nuestro país está en marcha un ataque
brutal contra el Estado Democrático de Derecho. Paralelamente,
denunciamos un movimiento que intenta debilitar la economía nacional y
arruinar cada paso que se ha dado para llegar hasta a aquí. Me refiero
al caso de la operación Lava Jato, aparentemente es una operación en
contra de la corrupción; no obstante, su esencia deja entrever una
intención política. No son pocas las denuncias que cuestionan la validez
de los pasos dados por el juez que lleva el caso, Sergio Moro, en el
mundo jurídico”.
Y continuó su relato: “somos de los que
luchan, desde hace más de nueve décadas, contra la corrupción.
Entendemos que deben ser castigados, tanto los corruptos como los
corruptores. Pero, lo expuesto anteriormente muestra que la presunción
de inocencia ha sido trasmutada en presunción de culpabilidad. Esa es la
esencia de la mencionada operación Lava Jato: por un lado, atacar el
Estado Democrático de Derecho, por otro, debilitar el desarrollo
nacional”.
Concluyendo a modo de balance. “¿Quién gana? Las empresas extranjeras. ¿Quién pierde? La cuestión nacional”.
Para sentenciar, a modo de consecuencia: “en el momento actual, la
defensa del Estado Democrático de Derecho se confunde con la defensa de
la economía nacional”.
Luciana Santos dio un último
aviso: “para el PCdoB el santo y seña que tiene que unir a los
comunistas en lucha es la defensa del Estado Democrático de Derecho y la
defensa de la economía nacional. Vivimos en un momento de brutal
ofensiva de la derecha, que se opone al proyecto que pusimos en marcha
en el año 2003. La firmeza en este momento es nuestra mayor aliada. No
dudamos de que es necesario reafirmar nuestra confianza en la presidenta
Dilma, igual que en la defensa del papel de Lula en estos últimos 12
años. Por esa razón, constituir un frente amplio en defensa de Brasil,
en este momento, ES una tarea fundamental” ».
* El texto completo de la entrevista, publicada por Joanne Mota en forma de artículo el 29 de Junio de 2015 en el portal Vermelho, se puede consultar en el sitio http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/266442-35.
(1)
N. del T.: Cracolandia (nombre creado por derivación de la palabra
crack), es la denominación popular que recibe el mayor mercado de crack
del mundo, situado en el céntrico barrio de Santa Ifigenia, en São
Paulo.
(2) N. del T.: El Partido de la Socialdemocracia
Brasileña (PSDB), fundado en 1988 como un partido de centro izquierda
con un ideario que socialdemócrata, que reivindicaba como principios
programáticos la defensa de la democracia, la descentralización política
y administrativa, el sometimiento del Estado al servicio del pueblo y
no de los grupos privilegiados, el desarrollo económico sostenible con
redistribución de la renta y educación de calidad para todos y una
reforma política que fortaleciese a los partidos y aproximase a los
representantes políticos a sus electores, en la actualidad es un partido
situado en la derecha del espectro político brasileño.
(3)
N. del T.: La operación Lava Jato, por el nombre de una red de
estaciones de servicios y lavado de autos, es una investigación judicial
en curso que puso al descubierto una red de lavado de dinero que pudo
haber blanqueado más de 10 mil millones de reales (casi 2.900 millones
de euros) desde el año 1997. Pasado más de un año de pesquisas (la
operación empezó el 17 de Marzo de 2014), la operación puso al
descubierto el pago de comisiones a políticos de diferentes partidos,
entre ellos el PT, el PSDB, el PMDB –el centrista Partido del Movimiento
Democrático Brasileño- y el PP –el conservador Partido Progresista y
principal implicado en la trama-, y el concurso de diferentes empresas
estatales, entre ellas la petroquímica Petrobras, y privadas, como la
constructora OAS.
(4) N. del T.: La capa del presal hace
referencia a un área de reservas petrolíferas situada debajo de una
profunda capa de sal en el subsuelo marino del litoral brasileño que se
extiende a lo largo de 800 km que, debido precisamente al proceso
geológico que provocó su formación, contiene hidrocarburos de una
excelente calidad. En razón del volumen estimado del petróleo encontrado
hasta ahora en las formaciones del presal, Brasil se convertiría en uno
de los principales productores mundiales de petróleo y alcanzaría la
soberanía energética a partir del año 2016, según algunos estudios
preliminares. Curiosamente, la estrategia de los golpistas es insistir
en que Petrobras no tiene capacidad para extraer esa inmensa riqueza,
por lo que defienden que sea entregada a multinacionales extranjeras,
haciendo que Brasil siga siendo una economía dependiente en materia
energética.
(5) N. del T.: El Instituto Millenium, que
según su propio portal en Internet afirma defender el “Estado de
Derecho, las libertades individuales, la responsabilidad individual, la
meritocracia y la propiedad privada” como valores que sostienen una
sociedad democrática, reúne entre sus socios a las tres familias
propietarias de los principales grupos de comunicación de Brasil: los
Marinho (grupo Globo), los Frías (grupo Folha) y los Mesquita (grupo
Estado), que con sus editoriales, sus titulares y sus reportajes, marcan
el camino a seguir de los sectores más involucionistas de la sociedad
brasileña, razón por la que es habitual que los analistas alternativos
de los medios de comunicación se refieran al conjunto de esos tres
grupos mediáticos con la denominación de Partido de la Prensa Golpista
(PIG, por sus siglas en brasileño: Partido da Imprensa Golpista).
(6) N. del T.: Luis Nassif es un periodista brasileño especializado en temas económicos.
(7) N. del T.: El mandato del presidente João Goulart, popularmente
conocido como Jango, fue interrumpido por un golpe de Estado promovido
por la oligarquía empresarial braileña y financiado por la CIA entre los
días 30 de Marzo y 1 de Abril de 1964. Las razones que justificaron el
golpe, al margen de las acusaciones que hablaban de una deriva hacia el
comunismo de Brasil, eran que el gobierno del presidente Goulart era muy
próximo a la clase trabajadora, ya que como presidente promovió
reformas estructurales que afectaban a los privilegios de las élites y
aprobó derechos, como el derecho a la 13ª paga mensual –una paga
extraordinaria, a la que se opuso tenazmente el parlamento, por lo que
Jango acudió a la movilización popular, logrando paralizar al país en
una gran huelga general, lo que forzó la aprobación de ese derecho el 5
de Julio de 1962- y el derecho al voto a la población analfabeta, que
provocaron la ira de la elite, que como consecuencia de esas reformas
estructurales y de la redistribución de la riqueza empezó a tener menos
beneficios.
(8) N. del T.: La expresión ‘caballo de
carreras paraguayo’ se emplea para designar a un caballo que aparenta
ser de raza, pero finalmente se descubre por su comportamiento en la
carrera, en las que adopta salir en primera posición, pero que a medida
que ésta avanza se va retrasando hasta llegar a la meta en último lugar,
que es un caballo sin raza, por lo que en Brasil dicen ‘comprado en
Paraguay’.
Rebelión ha publicado este artículo con el permiso del autor mediante una licencia de Creative Commons, respetando su libertad para publicarlo en otras fuentes.
On
the morning of July 31, 2015 the Lula Institute, located in the
district of Ipiranga of São Paulo, was the subject of an attack; although
responsibility for the attack, which was a homemade bomb, still
unsolved, everything seems to indicate that is the result of an
escalation of violence in which "hatred spread by bloggers, columnists
and magazines turned into pamphlets hate and lies, "as stated in the Escrevinhador Rodrigo Vianna (07/31/15), hatred of words preceded the hatred of the pumps. A
drift that is perfectly analyzed by Renata Mielli, general secretary of
the Centro de Estudos da Mídia Alternativa Barão de Itararé, in an
article published on his blog Janela on a word, under the Title
Submission or coexistence? The place of the media in political debate *:
"In recent years, the consecutive election victories of a coalition of center-left in the country led to the exacerbation of the domestic political conflict as a result of rising opposition tone that most Brazilian media took on the government.
After each election defeat, against a disorganized partisanly without a clear political leadership right, the media assumed the role, not as a spokesman for the conservative sectors and economic elite, if not an organizer and leader of the right, marking their agenda and even going further: some newspapers editorials came along this period, to give errands and make a strategy of political opposition leaders.
By taking part in political discussion taking the lead in one side, the media is uniformizaron in a way never seen before in Brazil adopting a single speech, with the same owners in all media, to achieve the same goal: to defeat the government. "
* The full article, published on June 15, 2015, is available on the site http://renatamielli.blogspot.com.es/
Precisely to stop this coup strategy of opposition to the government, aware sectors of Brazilian society are organizing various marches and rallies in defense of democracy, as the 5th March of the Daisies, convened for 11 and 12 August by the Brazilian Union of Women (UBM), the World March of Women (WMW), the Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT), the Confederation of the Workers of Brazil (CTB) and other feminists and social organizations in Brazil and the National Day of Struggle in defense of democracy and against the coup, convened on August 20 by various political and social organizations, among which are the Confederation of the Workers of Brazil (CTB), the Union National Students (UNE) and the Movement of Homeless Workers (MTST). Both demonstrations called with a common goal: the defense of democracy and the rejection coup maneuvers, as alleged in the Manifesto of the March 5th Margaritas *:
"We say to you all that we will not accept any form of stroke. We do not accept attacks on democracy and demand respect for the sovereign choice of the people at the polls. Companions, women from all over Brazil, farmworker, jungle and water, working women in the cities, follow-up and call on all social movements and all comrades to join us! Come together and together to keep our courage and boldness in the class struggle in defense of the democratic project we chose for the country. We reaffirm our struggle for a sovereign, democratic, secular, just and egalitarian Brazil and a life free of violence, autonomy, equality and freedom for women. "
* The full manifesto can be read on the site http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/268353-8.
Following a series of interviews, social activists, professionals ... the judiciary, some published for the original media from Brazil and other selected by Alfredo Iglesias Dieguez to Rebellion, in which the political process reflect on political and union leaders have Brazil is going through.
1. Motion of censure or coup?
In the course of a long interview with the magazine Justifying *, President of the Association of Judges for Democracy, Judge André Bezerra, spoke about attempts to justify the censure motion by some sectors of the opposition; Justice is clear: a censure motion without legal basis is a coup, as he made clear in a time of the interview.
"Justifying: The media often talk about a motion of censure (impeachment in the original), to President Dilma. In his view, that argument is unfounded; Is it based on a sound interpretation of the law?
André Bezerra: Look, that there is an impeachment is necessary to have a foundation. For now, I have not seen any foundation. So from a legal point of view. From the political point of view, it is the convenience and the opportunity to attack a person who received millions of votes. Politically, I think a lack of respect for the millions of Brazilians. In addition, I repeat, from the legal standpoint, there is no basis.Justifying: Better Explain the meaning of the expression 'be grounds'.
André Bezerra: For example, the president of Petrobras earned money.Justifying: Recently this situation compared to that experienced by former President Fernando Collor. In the case of Collor, was there basis? Do you see the parallels?
André Bezerra: Yes, if there was a basis Collor. Besides, he was prosecuted criminally. It was criminally prosecuted by the Attorney General of the Republic. Notices the difference. The current Attorney General of the Republic is not even investigating President Dilma. In the case of Collor, it was attorney general complainant of the case. In that case, years later, Collor was acquitted because the criminal process must be based on legal facts. Political not every judgment is a convenience parley. But note that Collor was denounced ... and someone to be reported from the dealer Cracolandia (1) to the president, you must have physical evidence and evidence that the person committed a crime. Evidence is already the beginning of a test. Against the current president not even have the start of testing. The difference is very large.Justifying: Guess who said that the insistence on the thesis of the impeachment motion is a coup?
André Bezerra: I think so. Although foreseen in the Constitution, impeachment must have a foundation. If there is no foundation, the impeachment becomes a coup. It's called the Paraguayan coup, referring to the removal of President Fernando Lugo in 2012, the coup fashionable in the Latin America of the century, the constitutional coup with varnish, which is cited as a basis for dismissal of the president a constitutional principle which in principle is being violated, but does not come to mind too. It is also important to note that the impeachment, although it is provided for in the Constitution, is not a mechanism to oust an unpopular president, as is being said out there. "
* The full text of this interview, published on July 21, 2015, is available on the site http://justificando.com/2015/07/21/impeachment-sem-fundamento-e-golpe-diz-juiz/
2. Who cares about a coup?
During an interview with Radio Vermelho *, former chairman of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB), Renato Rabelo, he spoke with Joanne Mota on justice-media coup d'état promoted by the opposition against President Dilma; the veteran communist leader is clear: at the moment is brewing a media-legal-police coup against the country, as he made clear in a time of the interview."In analyzing the latest developments and identify each movement of the conservative opposition, Renato Rabelo said that" we live in a very special moment. [...] We are facing a media-legal-police coup against the country in which, for the opposition, it is all so hard to destroy every conquest achieved in the last 12 years. "
With respect to the escalation of attacks on President Dilma, Renato Rabelo said the opposition "have nothing to offer, so try to stop at all costs the initiatives launched by President Dilma to resume the path of growth," noting to the media as "old partners such opposition that serve the interests of international capital and the conservative elites of Brazil."
Reflecting on the recent Convention of the PSDB (2), the veteran communist leader warned that "we have no alternative, only the attack on the projects really are changing the face of Brazil."
After the fourth electoral defeat, the PSDB stopped not wear weave a web of government of President Dilma, "first with the requirement of the vote count, after the attempts to create a climate of lawlessness and now take refuge in Lava Jato operation (3). What they want is to make a kind of legal hit reality ". Noting that the objective of 'coup d'adventurers' "strike at the heart of the legality conquered by the sweat and blood of Brazilians," concluded Renato Rabelo. "
* The full text of this interview, published as an article by Joanne Mota on July 6, 2015 in the Vermelho portal can be found on the site http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/266899-326 .
3. The shadow of the past: the coup of 1964
The current political scenario was also being compared to the events that took place in 1964, when the Brazilian oligarchy supported a coup led by some sectors of the Brazilian armed forces deposed the elected President Joao Goulart, who was accused to lead the country toward communism. They go in that direction two interviews that follow.
In the interview given by Hildegard Angel João Pedro Werneck radio Vermelho *, journalist society and veteran militant leftist whose brother was one of the victims of the repression unleashed after the 1964 coup, was very clear: the similarities between 1964 and 2015 are not coincidences, it is the result of sharing the same project, as he made clear in a time of the interview.
"João Pedro Werneck: Lives Brazil a climate of coup? Why?
Hildegard Angel: Because the opposition fails to win power by the vote. The opposition represents the conservative forces, capital, reactionary, neo-liberalism and all that and was it did nothing good in the world and until recently was sentenced, during his visit to Bolivia, the Pope, when he defended the need to "changes in global structures 'and acknowledged that the capitalist system the way it is working,' imposes the logic of profit at any cost, without thinking in social exclusion or destruction of nature '. It happens that in the last 12 years in Brazil, we had governments that were concerned because of that, by social exclusion, by the destruction of nature ... and also defending national sovereignty. As aggravating also have the fabulous wealth that supposed the discovery of pre-salt (4). All that favors and encourages the coup. We see the climate of 1954 and 1964 and now in 2015 is repeated, but the truth is that this process is long, having intensified in 2014, we have attempted a new coup as the candidate of elites, despite all counterfeit investigations, holders of liars press and unsubstantiated reports, failed to win the elections.
João Pedro Werneck: What similarities do you see in today's developments with respect to those that occurred during the coup of 1964?
Hildegard Angel: This is not coincidence. This is the same project. They are the same projects. Today we have the Millenium Institute (5), which brings together the largest employers in the country; in 1964, was the IPES, Institute of Economic and Social Research, with the owners of the companies that supported the coup and whose fortunes multiplied.
João Pedro Werneck: Do you have any idea how to get out of this situation?
Hildegard Angel: I do not have that level of wisdom; however, I believe that today, with the strength of social media, it is more difficult to make skirmishes behind the scenes, behind the people, as happened in 1954 and 1964. It is more complicated, for example, for some politicians, journalists, intellectuals, artists and even entrepreneurs who want to appear as defenders of the country Vestal, make that foul play without being immediately unmasked and denounced. And another question, I pointed that Nassif (6) is that the coup leaders do not have the armed forces on their side; what they have going for them is what is lower, uneducated, extremist, fascist, pure McCarthyism. Our armed forces know what historically weighed some setbacks, which left the account and acted beyond reason, during the dictatorial period. The armed forces will not support anything that exceeds the constitutional limits. There is nothing to justify impeachment and, if any, would be a coup. The armed forces will not stain their uniforms. "
* The full text of this interview, published on July 19, 2015 in the Vermelho portal can be found on the site http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/267606-1.
In an interview by journalist Vicente Goulart Goulart president's son and president of the Foundation that bears his name, Erica Aragão for Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT) * it was very clear: the political maneuvers of today resemble those 1964, he said in a moment of the interview.
"In an interview published on the website of the CUT, Joao Vicente Goulart identifies some similarities between the current political situation and that antecediera the 1964 coup that overthrew then President Jango (7).
"Today we see political games that closely resemble 1964," said Joao Vicente Goulart, stating that business financing is the big connection between now and 1964.
He continues: "Today the situation is the same, both in regard to the media and Congress and business financing. It is the time of great national front. I think that the left parties, trade unions and social and popular movements, should form the front and fight for some points in common, they are not the reverse, not the fiscal adjustment and to demand more rights for workers and conquests social ".
With respect to the similarities between the legislatures of 1964 and 2015, he said: "President of the Chamber, Eduardo Cunha, for example, is a replica of the then Senate President Aldo Moura de Andrade, who ruled the Presidency vacant Republic in 1964, legitimizing civil and military coup even though the president was inside the country, in Porto Alegre, trying to resist. "
Next, the interviewee said that "the elites endure not lose another election". "They are articulating a Paraguayan horse racing (8), just as happened with President Lugo in Paraguay".
"Despite the large time difference, there are many similarities: the Congress of the time, the coup was being prepared in 1964 and the political betrayals as those occurring at present, mainly in the parliamentary base of support for the government "compares Joao Vicente Goulart.
He also highlighted the role of the media in the coup. "Jango was branded a communist by the mainstream media because when President Janio Quadros resigned, Jango, who was vice president and would have to take power, was in China. And at that time who was a friend of China was a communist, "explains João Vicente Goulart, who also recalled the numerous headlines in those days encouraged to participate in acts of the conservative right, as the" March of the Family with God freedom ".
Holding, moreover, that the various demonstrations that took place those days, which is usually considered that they had no connection with each other, as it admits were the spontaneous expression of some sectors of the population, in reality they were solidly coordinated by elites, who used for this purpose to the press. "
* The full text of the interview, published as an article by Erica Aragão on July 29, 2015 on the website of the Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT), can be found on the site
http://www.cut.org.br/noticias/jogadas-politicas-lembram-64-diz-filho-de-jango-359c/.
4. The mobilization against the coup
Next August 16, 2015, following the limited success of the protests in March and April, in the best gathered 25 thousand people at the Esplanade of Brasilia, is called a new 'mega-event', a march for freedom, according to the promoters of Brazil Free movement, a nonpartisan organization that seeks to mobilize citizens in favor of a more free, just and prosperous society on whose account on Facebook can be read comments like the following, assessing the presence of 100 Movement members in the Congress pressuring parliamentarians PP, PR and PRB to support the impeachment, "the MBL team at the moment invading the Congress to lobby MPs in favor of impeachment. The war has begun! [Emphasis Alfredo Iglesias Dieguez]. Four days later, on August 20, social forces, labor and policies that support the government of President Dilma to strengthen the social and democratic gains of the past 12 years, called an act in defense of democracy in Brazil. Then we collect the views of some of the social, labor and political leaders who support this mobilization against the coup.
In an interview with Joanne Mota radio Vermelho * Luciana Santos, president of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB), he was in favor of a broad popular front to halt the coup plot in motion, because "we are in an environment of class hatred, a lot of intolerance, in which coercion is part of the political debate, that being the reason that brings us to the responsibility, to join forces and fight. "
"According to the president of PCdoB we have a strategy that aims only hinder progress:" They are trying, at all costs, make President Dilma against the ropes. That being also the sense in which they orchestrated attacks against former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva ".
Luciana Santos said during the interview that right, especially the PSDB, has no political authority, "they -resaltó referring to the government of the PSDB during the 90s of the twentieth century, and ruled Brazil and staged a chapter very sad in our history. They have no choice, what they offer is receding. "
Then the communist leader was asked, "So, what obey these attacks?" According to your answer, the only fear they have is to be a new economic growth, "hence the attack symbol of strength Brazil: Petrobras; hence the speech that the economy is running out of control; Hence the coup wave whose main ally the bourgeois media ".
At another point in the interview, Luciana Santos analyzed what's behind the Lava Jato operation, warning that "our country has launched a brutal attack on the democratic rule of law. In parallel, a move denounced trying to weaken the national economy and ruin every step has been to get to here. I refer to the case of the operation Lava Jato apparently is an operation against corruption; however, essentially suggests a political purpose. They are not few complaints challenging the validity of the steps taken by the judge handling the case, Sergio Moro, in the legal world ".
He continued his account: "We are of those who struggle for more than nine decades ago against corruption. We understand that they must be punished, both corrupt and the corrupters. But the above shows that the presumption of innocence has been transmuted into presumption of guilt. That is the essence of this operation Lava Jato: first, attack the democratic rule of law, on the other, weakening national development. "
Concluding as a balance. "Who wins? Foreign companies. Who loses? National question ".
To sentence, as a result, "at present, the defense of the democratic rule of law is confused with the defense of the national economy."
Luciana Santos gave a final warning: "PCdoB for the password that must unite in fighting the Communists is to defend the democratic rule of law and the defense of the national economy. We live in a time of brutal offensive of the right, which opposes the project we launched in 2003. The strength at this time is our greatest ally. No doubt that is necessary to reaffirm our confidence in President Dilma, as in the defense of the role of Lula in the last 12 years. For that reason, constitute a broad front in defense of Brazil, at this moment, it is a fundamental task. '"
* The full text of the interview, published by Joanne Mota shaped article June 29, 2015 in the Vermelho portal can be found on the site http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/266442-35 .
(1) N. T .: Cracolandia (name created by derivation of the word crack) is the popular name given to the largest market in the world crack, located in the central district of Santa Ifigenia, in São Paulo.
(2) N. T .: The Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (PSDB), founded in 1988 as a center-left party with an ideology that Social Democrat, who claimed programming principles as the defense of democracy, the political and administrative decentralization The submission of the State to serve the people and not of the privileged groups, sustainable economic development with income redistribution and quality education for all and a political reform that fortaleciese aproximase parties and political representatives to their constituents, today it's a party on the right of the Brazilian political spectrum.
(3) N. T .: The operation Lava Jato, by the name of a network of service stations and car wash is an ongoing judicial investigation uncovered a money laundering network that may have laundered more of 10 billion reais (about 2,900 million) since 1997 spent more than a year of investigation (the operation began on March 17, 2014), the operation exposed the payment of commissions to politicians of different parties, including the PT, PSDB, PMDB-the centrist Democratic Movement Party and the Brazilian-PP-the Progressive Conservative Party and the main involved in trama-, and contest of different state companies, including Petrobras petrochemical and private, such as the OAS construction.
(4) N. T .: The pre-salt layer refers to an area of oil reserves beneath a deep layer of salt under the seabed of the Brazilian coastline stretching along 800 km that due precisely to geological process that caused their formation contains oil of excellent quality. Because of the estimated volume of oil found so far in the pre-salt formations, Brazil became one of the world's leading oil producers and energy sovereignty reach from the year 2016, according to preliminary studies. Interestingly, the strategy of the coup is to insist that Petrobras has no ability to remove this immense wealth, which argue that it is delivered to foreign multinationals, making Brazil remains an economy dependent on energy.
(5) N. T .: The Millenium Institute, which according to its own internet portal claims to uphold the "rule of law, individual freedom, individual responsibility, meritocracy and private property" as values underpinning a democratic society , includes among its partners the three families that own the major media groups in Brazil: Marinho (Globo Group), the Frias (Folha group) and Mesquita (group status), with its publishers, their owners and their reporting mark the way forward of the most regressive sectors of Brazilian society, which is why it is common for analysts alternative media refer to all of these three media groups under the name of Party Coup Press ( PIG, for its acronym in Brazil: Partido da Imprensa Coup).
(6) N. T .: Luis Nassif is a Brazilian journalist specializing in economic issues.
(7) N. T .: The administration of President João Goulart, popularly known as Jango, was interrupted by a coup sponsored by the corporate oligarchy braileña and financed by the CIA between 30 March and 1 April 1964. The reasons justifying the coup, regardless of the accusations that spoke of a drift toward communism in Brazil, was that the government of President Goulart was very close to the working class, and that as president he promoted structural reforms affecting the privileges of the elite and approved rights, including the right to the 13th monthly pay-one bonus, which strongly opposed the parliament, so Jango attended the popular mobilization, managing to paralyze the country on a general strike , which forced the adoption of this law on 5 July 1962 and the right to vote to the illiterate population, which provoked the anger of the elite, who as a result of these structural reforms and redistribution of wealth began have fewer benefits.
(8) N. T .: The expression 'Paraguayan horse racing' is used to designate appears to be a horse race, but finally discovers his behavior in the race, which takes out in first position, but as it progresses it will delaying to reach the finish in last place, which is not a horse race, so in Brazil say 'bought in Paraguay'.
Alfredo Iglesias Dieguez
Rebellion
Introduction, selection of texts and interviews and Portuguese translation for Rebellion by Alfredo Iglesias Dieguez.
Rebellion has posted this article with the author's permission through a license from Creative Commons, respecting their freedom to publish elsewhere.
"In recent years, the consecutive election victories of a coalition of center-left in the country led to the exacerbation of the domestic political conflict as a result of rising opposition tone that most Brazilian media took on the government.
After each election defeat, against a disorganized partisanly without a clear political leadership right, the media assumed the role, not as a spokesman for the conservative sectors and economic elite, if not an organizer and leader of the right, marking their agenda and even going further: some newspapers editorials came along this period, to give errands and make a strategy of political opposition leaders.
By taking part in political discussion taking the lead in one side, the media is uniformizaron in a way never seen before in Brazil adopting a single speech, with the same owners in all media, to achieve the same goal: to defeat the government. "
* The full article, published on June 15, 2015, is available on the site http://renatamielli.blogspot.com.es/
Precisely to stop this coup strategy of opposition to the government, aware sectors of Brazilian society are organizing various marches and rallies in defense of democracy, as the 5th March of the Daisies, convened for 11 and 12 August by the Brazilian Union of Women (UBM), the World March of Women (WMW), the Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT), the Confederation of the Workers of Brazil (CTB) and other feminists and social organizations in Brazil and the National Day of Struggle in defense of democracy and against the coup, convened on August 20 by various political and social organizations, among which are the Confederation of the Workers of Brazil (CTB), the Union National Students (UNE) and the Movement of Homeless Workers (MTST). Both demonstrations called with a common goal: the defense of democracy and the rejection coup maneuvers, as alleged in the Manifesto of the March 5th Margaritas *:
"We say to you all that we will not accept any form of stroke. We do not accept attacks on democracy and demand respect for the sovereign choice of the people at the polls. Companions, women from all over Brazil, farmworker, jungle and water, working women in the cities, follow-up and call on all social movements and all comrades to join us! Come together and together to keep our courage and boldness in the class struggle in defense of the democratic project we chose for the country. We reaffirm our struggle for a sovereign, democratic, secular, just and egalitarian Brazil and a life free of violence, autonomy, equality and freedom for women. "
* The full manifesto can be read on the site http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/268353-8.
Following a series of interviews, social activists, professionals ... the judiciary, some published for the original media from Brazil and other selected by Alfredo Iglesias Dieguez to Rebellion, in which the political process reflect on political and union leaders have Brazil is going through.
1. Motion of censure or coup?
In the course of a long interview with the magazine Justifying *, President of the Association of Judges for Democracy, Judge André Bezerra, spoke about attempts to justify the censure motion by some sectors of the opposition; Justice is clear: a censure motion without legal basis is a coup, as he made clear in a time of the interview.
"Justifying: The media often talk about a motion of censure (impeachment in the original), to President Dilma. In his view, that argument is unfounded; Is it based on a sound interpretation of the law?
André Bezerra: Look, that there is an impeachment is necessary to have a foundation. For now, I have not seen any foundation. So from a legal point of view. From the political point of view, it is the convenience and the opportunity to attack a person who received millions of votes. Politically, I think a lack of respect for the millions of Brazilians. In addition, I repeat, from the legal standpoint, there is no basis.Justifying: Better Explain the meaning of the expression 'be grounds'.
André Bezerra: For example, the president of Petrobras earned money.Justifying: Recently this situation compared to that experienced by former President Fernando Collor. In the case of Collor, was there basis? Do you see the parallels?
André Bezerra: Yes, if there was a basis Collor. Besides, he was prosecuted criminally. It was criminally prosecuted by the Attorney General of the Republic. Notices the difference. The current Attorney General of the Republic is not even investigating President Dilma. In the case of Collor, it was attorney general complainant of the case. In that case, years later, Collor was acquitted because the criminal process must be based on legal facts. Political not every judgment is a convenience parley. But note that Collor was denounced ... and someone to be reported from the dealer Cracolandia (1) to the president, you must have physical evidence and evidence that the person committed a crime. Evidence is already the beginning of a test. Against the current president not even have the start of testing. The difference is very large.Justifying: Guess who said that the insistence on the thesis of the impeachment motion is a coup?
André Bezerra: I think so. Although foreseen in the Constitution, impeachment must have a foundation. If there is no foundation, the impeachment becomes a coup. It's called the Paraguayan coup, referring to the removal of President Fernando Lugo in 2012, the coup fashionable in the Latin America of the century, the constitutional coup with varnish, which is cited as a basis for dismissal of the president a constitutional principle which in principle is being violated, but does not come to mind too. It is also important to note that the impeachment, although it is provided for in the Constitution, is not a mechanism to oust an unpopular president, as is being said out there. "
* The full text of this interview, published on July 21, 2015, is available on the site http://justificando.com/2015/07/21/impeachment-sem-fundamento-e-golpe-diz-juiz/
2. Who cares about a coup?
During an interview with Radio Vermelho *, former chairman of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB), Renato Rabelo, he spoke with Joanne Mota on justice-media coup d'état promoted by the opposition against President Dilma; the veteran communist leader is clear: at the moment is brewing a media-legal-police coup against the country, as he made clear in a time of the interview."In analyzing the latest developments and identify each movement of the conservative opposition, Renato Rabelo said that" we live in a very special moment. [...] We are facing a media-legal-police coup against the country in which, for the opposition, it is all so hard to destroy every conquest achieved in the last 12 years. "
With respect to the escalation of attacks on President Dilma, Renato Rabelo said the opposition "have nothing to offer, so try to stop at all costs the initiatives launched by President Dilma to resume the path of growth," noting to the media as "old partners such opposition that serve the interests of international capital and the conservative elites of Brazil."
Reflecting on the recent Convention of the PSDB (2), the veteran communist leader warned that "we have no alternative, only the attack on the projects really are changing the face of Brazil."
After the fourth electoral defeat, the PSDB stopped not wear weave a web of government of President Dilma, "first with the requirement of the vote count, after the attempts to create a climate of lawlessness and now take refuge in Lava Jato operation (3). What they want is to make a kind of legal hit reality ". Noting that the objective of 'coup d'adventurers' "strike at the heart of the legality conquered by the sweat and blood of Brazilians," concluded Renato Rabelo. "
* The full text of this interview, published as an article by Joanne Mota on July 6, 2015 in the Vermelho portal can be found on the site http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/266899-326 .
3. The shadow of the past: the coup of 1964
The current political scenario was also being compared to the events that took place in 1964, when the Brazilian oligarchy supported a coup led by some sectors of the Brazilian armed forces deposed the elected President Joao Goulart, who was accused to lead the country toward communism. They go in that direction two interviews that follow.
In the interview given by Hildegard Angel João Pedro Werneck radio Vermelho *, journalist society and veteran militant leftist whose brother was one of the victims of the repression unleashed after the 1964 coup, was very clear: the similarities between 1964 and 2015 are not coincidences, it is the result of sharing the same project, as he made clear in a time of the interview.
"João Pedro Werneck: Lives Brazil a climate of coup? Why?
Hildegard Angel: Because the opposition fails to win power by the vote. The opposition represents the conservative forces, capital, reactionary, neo-liberalism and all that and was it did nothing good in the world and until recently was sentenced, during his visit to Bolivia, the Pope, when he defended the need to "changes in global structures 'and acknowledged that the capitalist system the way it is working,' imposes the logic of profit at any cost, without thinking in social exclusion or destruction of nature '. It happens that in the last 12 years in Brazil, we had governments that were concerned because of that, by social exclusion, by the destruction of nature ... and also defending national sovereignty. As aggravating also have the fabulous wealth that supposed the discovery of pre-salt (4). All that favors and encourages the coup. We see the climate of 1954 and 1964 and now in 2015 is repeated, but the truth is that this process is long, having intensified in 2014, we have attempted a new coup as the candidate of elites, despite all counterfeit investigations, holders of liars press and unsubstantiated reports, failed to win the elections.
João Pedro Werneck: What similarities do you see in today's developments with respect to those that occurred during the coup of 1964?
Hildegard Angel: This is not coincidence. This is the same project. They are the same projects. Today we have the Millenium Institute (5), which brings together the largest employers in the country; in 1964, was the IPES, Institute of Economic and Social Research, with the owners of the companies that supported the coup and whose fortunes multiplied.
João Pedro Werneck: Do you have any idea how to get out of this situation?
Hildegard Angel: I do not have that level of wisdom; however, I believe that today, with the strength of social media, it is more difficult to make skirmishes behind the scenes, behind the people, as happened in 1954 and 1964. It is more complicated, for example, for some politicians, journalists, intellectuals, artists and even entrepreneurs who want to appear as defenders of the country Vestal, make that foul play without being immediately unmasked and denounced. And another question, I pointed that Nassif (6) is that the coup leaders do not have the armed forces on their side; what they have going for them is what is lower, uneducated, extremist, fascist, pure McCarthyism. Our armed forces know what historically weighed some setbacks, which left the account and acted beyond reason, during the dictatorial period. The armed forces will not support anything that exceeds the constitutional limits. There is nothing to justify impeachment and, if any, would be a coup. The armed forces will not stain their uniforms. "
* The full text of this interview, published on July 19, 2015 in the Vermelho portal can be found on the site http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/267606-1.
In an interview by journalist Vicente Goulart Goulart president's son and president of the Foundation that bears his name, Erica Aragão for Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT) * it was very clear: the political maneuvers of today resemble those 1964, he said in a moment of the interview.
"In an interview published on the website of the CUT, Joao Vicente Goulart identifies some similarities between the current political situation and that antecediera the 1964 coup that overthrew then President Jango (7).
"Today we see political games that closely resemble 1964," said Joao Vicente Goulart, stating that business financing is the big connection between now and 1964.
He continues: "Today the situation is the same, both in regard to the media and Congress and business financing. It is the time of great national front. I think that the left parties, trade unions and social and popular movements, should form the front and fight for some points in common, they are not the reverse, not the fiscal adjustment and to demand more rights for workers and conquests social ".
With respect to the similarities between the legislatures of 1964 and 2015, he said: "President of the Chamber, Eduardo Cunha, for example, is a replica of the then Senate President Aldo Moura de Andrade, who ruled the Presidency vacant Republic in 1964, legitimizing civil and military coup even though the president was inside the country, in Porto Alegre, trying to resist. "
Next, the interviewee said that "the elites endure not lose another election". "They are articulating a Paraguayan horse racing (8), just as happened with President Lugo in Paraguay".
"Despite the large time difference, there are many similarities: the Congress of the time, the coup was being prepared in 1964 and the political betrayals as those occurring at present, mainly in the parliamentary base of support for the government "compares Joao Vicente Goulart.
He also highlighted the role of the media in the coup. "Jango was branded a communist by the mainstream media because when President Janio Quadros resigned, Jango, who was vice president and would have to take power, was in China. And at that time who was a friend of China was a communist, "explains João Vicente Goulart, who also recalled the numerous headlines in those days encouraged to participate in acts of the conservative right, as the" March of the Family with God freedom ".
Holding, moreover, that the various demonstrations that took place those days, which is usually considered that they had no connection with each other, as it admits were the spontaneous expression of some sectors of the population, in reality they were solidly coordinated by elites, who used for this purpose to the press. "
* The full text of the interview, published as an article by Erica Aragão on July 29, 2015 on the website of the Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT), can be found on the site
http://www.cut.org.br/noticias/jogadas-politicas-lembram-64-diz-filho-de-jango-359c/.
4. The mobilization against the coup
Next August 16, 2015, following the limited success of the protests in March and April, in the best gathered 25 thousand people at the Esplanade of Brasilia, is called a new 'mega-event', a march for freedom, according to the promoters of Brazil Free movement, a nonpartisan organization that seeks to mobilize citizens in favor of a more free, just and prosperous society on whose account on Facebook can be read comments like the following, assessing the presence of 100 Movement members in the Congress pressuring parliamentarians PP, PR and PRB to support the impeachment, "the MBL team at the moment invading the Congress to lobby MPs in favor of impeachment. The war has begun! [Emphasis Alfredo Iglesias Dieguez]. Four days later, on August 20, social forces, labor and policies that support the government of President Dilma to strengthen the social and democratic gains of the past 12 years, called an act in defense of democracy in Brazil. Then we collect the views of some of the social, labor and political leaders who support this mobilization against the coup.
In an interview with Joanne Mota radio Vermelho * Luciana Santos, president of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB), he was in favor of a broad popular front to halt the coup plot in motion, because "we are in an environment of class hatred, a lot of intolerance, in which coercion is part of the political debate, that being the reason that brings us to the responsibility, to join forces and fight. "
"According to the president of PCdoB we have a strategy that aims only hinder progress:" They are trying, at all costs, make President Dilma against the ropes. That being also the sense in which they orchestrated attacks against former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva ".
Luciana Santos said during the interview that right, especially the PSDB, has no political authority, "they -resaltó referring to the government of the PSDB during the 90s of the twentieth century, and ruled Brazil and staged a chapter very sad in our history. They have no choice, what they offer is receding. "
Then the communist leader was asked, "So, what obey these attacks?" According to your answer, the only fear they have is to be a new economic growth, "hence the attack symbol of strength Brazil: Petrobras; hence the speech that the economy is running out of control; Hence the coup wave whose main ally the bourgeois media ".
At another point in the interview, Luciana Santos analyzed what's behind the Lava Jato operation, warning that "our country has launched a brutal attack on the democratic rule of law. In parallel, a move denounced trying to weaken the national economy and ruin every step has been to get to here. I refer to the case of the operation Lava Jato apparently is an operation against corruption; however, essentially suggests a political purpose. They are not few complaints challenging the validity of the steps taken by the judge handling the case, Sergio Moro, in the legal world ".
He continued his account: "We are of those who struggle for more than nine decades ago against corruption. We understand that they must be punished, both corrupt and the corrupters. But the above shows that the presumption of innocence has been transmuted into presumption of guilt. That is the essence of this operation Lava Jato: first, attack the democratic rule of law, on the other, weakening national development. "
Concluding as a balance. "Who wins? Foreign companies. Who loses? National question ".
To sentence, as a result, "at present, the defense of the democratic rule of law is confused with the defense of the national economy."
Luciana Santos gave a final warning: "PCdoB for the password that must unite in fighting the Communists is to defend the democratic rule of law and the defense of the national economy. We live in a time of brutal offensive of the right, which opposes the project we launched in 2003. The strength at this time is our greatest ally. No doubt that is necessary to reaffirm our confidence in President Dilma, as in the defense of the role of Lula in the last 12 years. For that reason, constitute a broad front in defense of Brazil, at this moment, it is a fundamental task. '"
* The full text of the interview, published by Joanne Mota shaped article June 29, 2015 in the Vermelho portal can be found on the site http://www.vermelho.org.br/noticia/266442-35 .
(1) N. T .: Cracolandia (name created by derivation of the word crack) is the popular name given to the largest market in the world crack, located in the central district of Santa Ifigenia, in São Paulo.
(2) N. T .: The Party of Brazilian Social Democracy (PSDB), founded in 1988 as a center-left party with an ideology that Social Democrat, who claimed programming principles as the defense of democracy, the political and administrative decentralization The submission of the State to serve the people and not of the privileged groups, sustainable economic development with income redistribution and quality education for all and a political reform that fortaleciese aproximase parties and political representatives to their constituents, today it's a party on the right of the Brazilian political spectrum.
(3) N. T .: The operation Lava Jato, by the name of a network of service stations and car wash is an ongoing judicial investigation uncovered a money laundering network that may have laundered more of 10 billion reais (about 2,900 million) since 1997 spent more than a year of investigation (the operation began on March 17, 2014), the operation exposed the payment of commissions to politicians of different parties, including the PT, PSDB, PMDB-the centrist Democratic Movement Party and the Brazilian-PP-the Progressive Conservative Party and the main involved in trama-, and contest of different state companies, including Petrobras petrochemical and private, such as the OAS construction.
(4) N. T .: The pre-salt layer refers to an area of oil reserves beneath a deep layer of salt under the seabed of the Brazilian coastline stretching along 800 km that due precisely to geological process that caused their formation contains oil of excellent quality. Because of the estimated volume of oil found so far in the pre-salt formations, Brazil became one of the world's leading oil producers and energy sovereignty reach from the year 2016, according to preliminary studies. Interestingly, the strategy of the coup is to insist that Petrobras has no ability to remove this immense wealth, which argue that it is delivered to foreign multinationals, making Brazil remains an economy dependent on energy.
(5) N. T .: The Millenium Institute, which according to its own internet portal claims to uphold the "rule of law, individual freedom, individual responsibility, meritocracy and private property" as values underpinning a democratic society , includes among its partners the three families that own the major media groups in Brazil: Marinho (Globo Group), the Frias (Folha group) and Mesquita (group status), with its publishers, their owners and their reporting mark the way forward of the most regressive sectors of Brazilian society, which is why it is common for analysts alternative media refer to all of these three media groups under the name of Party Coup Press ( PIG, for its acronym in Brazil: Partido da Imprensa Coup).
(6) N. T .: Luis Nassif is a Brazilian journalist specializing in economic issues.
(7) N. T .: The administration of President João Goulart, popularly known as Jango, was interrupted by a coup sponsored by the corporate oligarchy braileña and financed by the CIA between 30 March and 1 April 1964. The reasons justifying the coup, regardless of the accusations that spoke of a drift toward communism in Brazil, was that the government of President Goulart was very close to the working class, and that as president he promoted structural reforms affecting the privileges of the elite and approved rights, including the right to the 13th monthly pay-one bonus, which strongly opposed the parliament, so Jango attended the popular mobilization, managing to paralyze the country on a general strike , which forced the adoption of this law on 5 July 1962 and the right to vote to the illiterate population, which provoked the anger of the elite, who as a result of these structural reforms and redistribution of wealth began have fewer benefits.
(8) N. T .: The expression 'Paraguayan horse racing' is used to designate appears to be a horse race, but finally discovers his behavior in the race, which takes out in first position, but as it progresses it will delaying to reach the finish in last place, which is not a horse race, so in Brazil say 'bought in Paraguay'.
Alfredo Iglesias Dieguez
Rebellion
Introduction, selection of texts and interviews and Portuguese translation for Rebellion by Alfredo Iglesias Dieguez.
Rebellion has posted this article with the author's permission through a license from Creative Commons, respecting their freedom to publish elsewhere.
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