Sacar del estado de abandono a importantes grupos desprovistos de las
herramientas para superar graves privaciones materiales, culturales, de
participación que les aquejaban. No le pareció al Gobierno ético no
movilizar y transferir recursos a esos grupos tantas veces postergados y
tratar de satisfacerlos con promesas para el futuro.
Desmontar la máquina de poder que tenían instalados los grupos externos e
internos y que les habían permitido manejar a su favor el Estado y
entre otros logros usufructuar en alta medida del excedente petrolero.
Es posible ilustrarlo con la recuperación de PDVSA, de las concesiones
petroleras, del Banco Central, del control del Comercio Exterior, de la
tierra en poder del latifundio y de las comunicaciones públicas. Alinear
a las FANB con los intereses populares y dotarlas de capacidad efectiva
para defender los intereses del país frente a los intereses externos.
Crear un aparato público que en lo productivo dominara sectores claves
de la estructura productiva, tales como insumos básicos, exportaciones
de minerales, puntos clave del abastecimiento popular. Fortalecer
paulatinamente las capacidades del sector público en su función de
planificación y ejecución de la inversión productiva, en el manejo de
empresas públicas y la formulación y puesta en ejecución de programas y
políticas públicas diseñadas para construir una nueva organización
Ingentes recursos dedicados a la Seguridad Social.
Mejorar la calidad de vida de la mayoría de los venezolanos vía gastos del sector público.
Importantes subvenciones a servicios públicos de primera necesidad
(alimentación, electricidad, combustibles, agua, trasporte, bienes de
consumo masivo, servicios de vivienda)
Lograr el acceso a los recursos necesarios con un aumento sustancial del
endeudamiento de PDVSA y endeudamiento interno del Gobierno Central, y
con endeudamiento externo moderado.
Mantener la tasa de cambio que favoreció las importaciones y redujo las exportaciones, ya limitadas de la economía privada.
Subvención a empresas públicas con grandes déficits operacionales para
velar en el corto plazo por el empleo y los salarios de quienes allí
My active participation in the Bolivarian revolution has been accompanied by periodicals summaries of activities and responsibilities I assumed under the leadership of President Chavez. Join us for the constant exercise of proposals and evaluations signaban Ministers work with our Commander. At the end my Ministerial involvement I sumaré my written testimony referred to a statement of the circumstances in which my work has been developed from heading to Havana Commander in his latest health crisis until today, where gradually the contours were outlined a new proposal, gestation, whose conceptual matrix is being clarified.
Legend of a relationship
As a first consideration I must make clear the path together with Commander Chavez, from the moment in which we met in the Yare Prison on 26 March 1993. To this end, narrate attached, our initial encounter and feelings and respect that linked me to this person who was able to blow themselves up by and for the Venezuelan people. 1 Throughout these two decades of ongoing collaboration, as a true companion, we played an intense bond of ideological, personal, and programmatic nature, always recognizing in him the qualities of a driver of villages with positions from which we shared a deal permanent respect taking into account the differences between the two ways of perceiving human existence, and how should or could build a deep and radical social change in Venezuela, oriented after he declared it way and design a socialist society. The differences that emerged over time, first with the government dismissed by me after the coup of April 2002, or the waiver presented to him in December 2007 after a severe difference in concept and understanding of a serious problem that has been beset; however, such disagreements were never obstacles to maintain ties of affection, respect and full cooperation, recognizing the roles that each person has touched you in this process over the last twenty years, before his death on March 5, 2013 .
As leader of the Bolivarian process, as a traveling companion, a friend, always prevailed among us seeking a better, fairer to the majority of the Venezuelan people, and beyond our borders, meet the Bolivarian dream utopia of the Patria Grande by giving their effort and even life itself, even as they ended with Commander Chavez's own. A collaborative style that was neat results as part of our ongoing collaboration to build ¨ ¨ Simón Bolívar National Project was the development of both theoretical and practical proposals in the design of models and maps, tactical and strategic, to guide the Venezuelan people in terms of programs and plans to realize their rightful aspirations for development. There are the number of samples and other public documents that history will make them meet, resulting from the action of so many generous people, under the guidance of Commander Chavez and the contributions that could be made in this programmatic direction. Documents that had a first major encounter in the call ¨ ¨ Bolivarian Alternative Agenda presented in July 1996, as a document that later allowed to continue developing government programs and plans of the nation on a path that ended in the last working Homeland Program, submitted to the electorate on the occasion of the candidacy for reelection as President of the Republic on June 11, 2012.
At the beginning of 2013 I gave the then Vice President Maduro a document prepared at the request of President Chavez, who raised him as agreed action program for the new term. It began with a summary of what has been achieved and an action strategy, which I copy:
¨ Orientation of public policy at the start of a new presidential term ¨.
A look back allows us to identify three major goals he set and achieved our revolutionary process.
Themes of neglect important groups lacking the tools to overcome serious material, cultural, sharing hardships facing them. It did not seem to ethical government did not mobilize and transfer resources to those groups so often neglected and try to satisfy them with promises for the future.
Remove the machine power they had installed the external and internal groups that had allowed them to manage their favor the state and among other achievements usufruct high measure of surplus oil. It is possible to illustrate the recovery of PDVSA, the oil concessions, the Central Bank, Foreign Trade Control of land held by large estates and public communications. Align the FANB with popular interests and provide them with effective capacity to defend the interests of the country against outside interests.
Create a public machine that dominate production in key sectors of the productive structure, such as basic inputs, mineral exports, supply popular key points. Gradually strengthen the capacities of the public sector in its role of planning and implementation of productive investment in the management of public enterprises and the formulation and implementation of programs and policies designed to build a new social organization.
The way to disarm and build is arduous. The construction of socialism historically has always been a significant challenge. On our way we had to face a coup, an oil sabotage, and a hostile external environment.
In this way the Bolivarian process was crucial to overcome the challenge of October 7, 2012 and the elections of 16 December of the same year. It was the consolidation of political power as a key objective for the strength of the revolution and the opening of a new stage. The improvement was achieved with great sacrifice and with an economic and financial effort that got the access and use of resources to extreme levels that require a review to ensure the sustainability of economic and social transformation.
Enormous resources devoted to Social Security.
Improving the quality of life of the majority of Venezuelans via public sector expenditures.
Substantial subsidies to utilities necessities (food, electricity, fuel, water, transportation, consumer goods, housing services)
Gaining access to the resources with a substantial increase in the indebtedness of PDVSA and domestic borrowing of the central government, and moderate external indebtedness.
Keeping the exchange rate that favored imports and reduced exports, and limited private enterprise.
Subsidy large public companies to ensure operational deficits in the short-term employment and wages of those who work there.
The President has called us to revise our action, overcoming inefficiencies and making the sacrifices that are necessary to establish the functioning of society on solid foundations. (End quote).
Pillars of the construction of the Bolivarian government during the administration of President Chávez.
As one of the pillars in the construction of the Bolivarian government, is the civil-military union, which develops clearly from the popular explosion of February 1989, where the people went to the helpless street and was massacred, and military rebellions February and November 1992, where young soldiers took up arms without popular support. Formula should prevail this time, the unity of the people and their armed forces, if you do not want to go back in time for the Fourth Republic. The confluence of an unarmed people trying to enforce their rights and the armed organization of the people for so long encapsulated the Fourth Republic in barracks, has been changing over recent decades, after the popular cry of February 1989 military rebellions and February and November 1992. With this union to be maintained over time as necessary, which together with the legacy of Commander Chavez, generating a collective political leadership that the bases of the people and the Bolivarian National Armed Forces. That union professed, practiced and cultivated endlessly by Commander Chavez should stay if you want to preserve national independence, the struggle against U.S. imperialism and conspiracy subjects of those sectors of the empire, and definitely by dreams of conquering Patria Grande why our Liberators fought and died. The delicate balance in the relationship made by Commander Chavez and his driver's talent allowed him to prevail conviction by popular pedagogy rather than authoritarian decision.
Another factor that has worked as a pillar supporting the Bolivarian government, has been the relationship between the Head of Government and its Ministers, imbued with a dynamic that has had to first pass through a coup in April 2002, and a subsequent oil sabotage with enormous human and material losses, having to confront a technocracy driving the field of hydrocarbons as a state within the state itself, being that she has grabbed an amount of resources from oil revenues, estimated between 15 and 17%, which largely produces one and all they want to capture. This pillar of the national economic structure is still and will be for some time the factor that invalidates the use of income and its distribution has reached an amount devoted to social investment, estimated at about 650 billion dollars for the period from 1999 to 2013.
A third element of the pillars, it is the ongoing strategic assessment remained with Commander Chavez throughout his entire government at different stages and at different times. Combining tactical and specific situations of government, with the view longer time horizon was a constant in relationships and analysis of the Bolivarian government who have worked beside President Chavez, their involvement in the development was always encouragement to those we had meet their ongoing requirements and scope. Enough to observe more comprehensive work, reading, Review, the process of innovation and creation, while neglect their health to reach a total and absolute surrender to the commitment he had acquired very young in his time dedication cadet or athlete every endeavor. Nothing escaped his major interest and exchange opinions with their ministers and collaborators. Not asked, demanded views and proposals, and as commented.
A fourth element refers to the correction of the imbalances and the lessons of experience were considered along these 15 years of government, with a clear and honest language, to the Venezuelan people, Commander Chávez was able to raise the directly and starkly the problems and difficulties presented to the country, the veracity of their positions, the crudeness of observing the most difficult times, with the verification of limited use of resources has led to progress and consolidate pay the social debt and defending the rights of the needy of the Venezuelan population. I took him in difficult political and could feel his courage to face challenges, such as was the policy of 2009-2012, which accommodated spending to oil resources. The Comandante Chavez not evaded, solved.
As fifth pillar is necessary to mention the preparation of the last election campaign October 7, before and after it and what was playing with it before the onslaught of fascist groups in the country and its allies in the field of American government , those on the bottom can not allow this process to be successful social policy and therefore try to internally destabilize unison seeking to isolate the Bolivarian government worldwide.
Finally, as a last, but not least is deep and true role of the Venezuelan people in government decisions, just to confirm the need for a radical process of political, social, economic and cultural transformation. Before the current crisis of capitalism, should be adopted unless an all-defensive strategy, which would ultimately jeopardize the future of our country.
The health crisis of President Chavez
The first symptoms of rupture that led to the current situation, the nature and style of decision-making began to manifest to the extent that the health of the President came increasingly complicated, the absence of a contact live with him, and permanent mediations through some particular became increasingly distant, decision making, content and time to be put into practice. With the absence of President Chavez and the few substantive meetings of the Council of Ministers led me to the development of a series of documents to alert about the status of situations, the scope of the problems they faced and the solutions to take. I touched during his stay in Havana, develop and transmit to a document to President Chavez as a result of increased borrowing foreign currency country, issue positively was taken into consideration, paralyzing a perverse mechanism for obtaining resources coming dilapidated through a mechanism for obtaining foreign currency denominated as SITME. 2
A second document was prepared as a result of the only meeting that was possible with President Chavez as the Council of Ministers on 20 October 2012. 3 Reflecting the ideas of President Chavez and as a end of the previous cycle, I presented a paper it was not possible to give it directly to him after the dramatic announcement of the outbreak of the disease and the need to undergo a new operation in Havana, said the document is delivered to Nicolás Maduro, the January 9, 2013, pointing out the need to take serious the situation and the measures that were being considered after the electoral victory of the October 7, 2012. paragraphs quoted above correspond to the first two pages of the document. 4
With the delivery of the above document Nicolas Maduro, to the date of his duties as Executive and nominated by the Commander Chávez in circumstances that may occur as a candidate to replace, Vice President began to observed changes in terms of the directionality of the Bolivarian process, immediate financial economic viability due to the increasing dependence on oil revenues, the growth of government obligations in terms of increased bureaucracy and fair commitments to care for pensioners and retirees, the inability to continue to keep inflation that to date has remained below 20%, a trend on which action should be taken, the structural problem of agriculture and electricity, relative prices and the relationships between growth and inflation.
Turn raised the need to build a collective political leadership to address the relative absence of President Chavez and his troubling health conditions, as announced by him in his speech on 8 December. The urgency for greater and deeper joint military sector with the Venezuelan people, the danger of trying to mimic the behavior of Comandante Chávez regarding the communications policy, lack of political will overlay the economic fact, unwise decisions economic financial team that tended to create a new style of government interference by a French consultancy that had nothing to do with the situation that the country lived, CADIVI nominations made in changing the measures suggested in earlier meetings that end, the try to modify the auction process that was underway without a rational basis, the delegation of responsibility for economic before the election date of April 14, after the unfortunate death of President Chavez on March 5, 2013.
All this was preceded by the application of a document requested by the Commander Chavez in his sickbed that could end in a draft on March 2, 2013, a document was discussed with Nicolás Maduro and a team of Ministers and to be delivered on date of March 2, 2013. 5 This document course, could not meet the Commander Chávez, both the progressive worsening of their health conditions, such as the time that had its development, leaving the document in question, as a reference for government action once they proceed to new presidential elections that took place on 14 April 2013. Unfortunately things were taking a new direction with the passing of Commander Chavez and behavior of institutions were under their control as PDVSA and BCV, began to show signs of independence that worsened with the fall of the contributions to the Treasury fruit of action independent of the central government PDVSA guided by their interests and problems, in unison that they took decisions outside public expenditure budgetary control. These issues that were aggravating the financial situation of the country subject to a destabilization campaign in the inner and the outer insulation.
With the election campaign in full developed execution began to notice very different elements to the strong leadership of President Chavez, showing weaknesses and significant differences in execution, favorable to the Bolivarian process results however were not subjected to a severe and critical analysis or by the government, nor by political and social organizations that accompanied the request for support Nicolas Maduro. This uncritical attitude in an increasingly complicated political situation, facing political opposition net fascist character, with considerable interference from outside the Bolivarian process factors that had been built, but have not made further attacks on revolutionary leaders, including figure of the president-elect who has been subjected to a campaign of personal and political disrepute. All as part of the grave situation that Venezuela after the physical disappearance of Commander Chavez certainly difficult to replace, let alone be copied in its originality and style delivered to the Venezuelan people. The preservation and development of the legacy of Chavez ¨ ¨ is presented as a heritage of the change process and building a socialist society in Venezuela, that legacy can not be confiscated in the name of Chavez nor claim to be the sole recipient its current President and CEO .
Distancing in relations with the new president
The distancing of relations with President-elect Nicolas Maduro began first with my claim by the interference of some French advisers in the operation of the Ministry of Planning and Finance. 6 In the document entitled ¨ ¨ Counteroffensive economic and other documented in detail the crisis that caused the foreign exchange auction in the process of creating the Superior Organ Currency Administration. The attitude on the other absurd by the candidate at the time the President of the Republic marked the sense of a lack of understanding of economic fact, overwhelmed maybe by the advance of the previous election campaign April 14 and serious decision to disengage from the direction of the national economy, which was going through difficult times and high complexity. This led me to write a ¨ Open letter ¨ written a few days before the elections of 14 April, 7 whose text was known by a few people who warned of the gravity of the economic and political situation and its impact on brief, such as the shortage periods. After the elections the Venezuelan people honored the request of the President to nominate him as a candidate if you could cause disunited occur. The Venezuelan people also went to meet a disciplined manner requested by its undisputed leader.
President Nicolas Maduro in ceremony held at the Teatro Teresa Carreño ¨ ¨ announced his new government team on April 22, 2013, in the group defined my participation as Minister of Planning and Vice President of Strategic Planning. New responsibilities with old songs, now in a far more complex and complicated situation. The appointment received a great responsibility through which you could update the fruit and the lessons of experience that has been taken from the February 2, 1999, when the Bolivarian government began with Commander Chavez, such effect a document that contains a conceptualization of the planning activity, 8 in the context of the Venezuelan State in its present stage of development, from the perspective of a society whose northern socialism was prepared. Planning is considered as a transustanciadora activity, as former mechanism should contribute to the organization and rationalization of Venezuelan society. Accumulation model, defined in five aspects: the first modification of the productive base of the country seeking greater democratization of economic power. Second, the change in the role of the state, to ensure that the cumulative process is directed to the satisfaction of the basic needs of the population and the defense of sovereignty. Third, the incorporation of mechanisms collectively productive self. Fourth, the use of democratic planning as a regulatory mechanism of productive relations, and Quinto, The autonomous location of the country against the internationalization of the capitalist system. And the development model, to achieve a political revolution linked to the establishment of new relations of power that defends the interests of the popular sectors and small and medium producers in the country and the city, just to establish a new hegemonic bloc. 9
With the start of the new responsibility began to develop a series of theses on various important aspects of the current and future situation of the country, such as exports, the electricity sector, the manufacturing sector, the creation of the South Bank, the results of the first auction SICAD, energy balance, debt policy, international cooperation, public services, food production, international reserves, a strategic proposal for MERCOSUR, the goals and projects of the Economic Development Plan II and Social Nation, all these proposals and recommendations were simply deferred in written reply from the President despite the urgency and importance of many of them.
Additionally, the activities of many ministries as a means to materialize the transustanciadora activity planning and palpable demonstration of content that you want to give the activity is incorporated, which was always an activity with the participation of President Chavez himself, who the studied, analyzed them and ultimately made the decisions that were relevant.
Since the President took office soon Maduro announced the new set of measures in the economic area. While the media act more political impact appeared to be the devaluation, the rest of the ads, a barrage of charges, made me wonder about the extent that it had accepted the structured set that I had submitted. In this confusing environment, one of my main concerns was the move in the direction of adjustment to a new stage marked by the nuclear increase efficiency and fighting corruption as clearly announced by President Chavez before and after his election.
Two fronts occupied my concern. The first attack corruption by slowing it down a new control of large funds. The second introduced new management mechanisms in public spending that would allow return to sustainable causes over time.
For the first front I was able to advance the proposal for two measures associated with a great background of the country, marked by the review of foreign trade agents as a source of corruption: CADIVI and its associated mechanism SITME. Nicolas Maduro welcomed in this area of the 2 measures I proposed. The creation of a committee to approve use permits privileged foreign exchange rates that the State provided for basic imports for the economy and the replacement of the SICAD SITME. The second consists of my appointment as CADIVI authority, to take the weight of the Minister of Planning and Finance, the introduction of a transparent operation. Measure this he refused. He preferred a dispersion of command.
A potential new attitude in appointments not even had a chance to planteársela the President. It was the appointments director in major financial funds from the Government, (Fonden, Chinese Fund, Treasury, Bco. Exterior, BIV), bearing in mind the need to break with the perception of corruption in the management of these funds. It seemed necessary to recount figures of the revolution that the country considered symbols of flawless in handling public funds. Neither necessary nor judge nor veto other candidates. Was based on the positive and healthy.
In the second against a proposed reduction in real public spending which accommodated defense priorities purchasing power of vulnerable groups and the correction of waste and corruption, by way of a measure of allocation of public expenditure to be awarded increasingly against a schedule of expenses accompanied by success indicators that would facilitate a gradual expansion and curb expenses not met their commitments achievements. In this area the proposal is not not only approved, but a new wave of large expenditures without the requirements designed, and with the aggravation of the expenditure approved by the ¨ Government Street began ¨, determined without study, improvised indeed . The sum of these costs has not been presented as a whole, unless the need for the National Assembly approved a massive expansion of the public budget.
The count presented should be construed as an attempt to revive in the field who have participated in the process of the Bolivarian Revolution mechanisms confrontation of ideas and working together under one direction respected by all. It is also a way to review the current situation, identifying the extent to which it differs from that built in the previous 20 years.
It is painful and alarming to see a presidency that does not convey leadership, and that seems to affirm the repetition without proper consistency of approach as formulated Commander Chávez, and the granting of massive resources to all who request without fiscal program framed in a socialist planning that gives consistency to the applicants activities. While the policy towards private agents is at least confusing and pressures of these agents appear to make way for the reinstatement of financial mechanisms to meet capitalist attempts to recapture oil surplus through financial means. In light of these facts there is a clear sense of power vacuum in the Presidency of the Republic, and concentration in other centers of power, destroying the work of institutions such as the Ministry of Finance and the Central Bank, and assuming the consummate PDVSA independence of the central power.
In particular, the challenges generated by the external appetite, particularly those who struggle to gain ground in the exploitation of oil and the expansion of the productive capacity of the sector, the latter the business of greater magnitude in the history of the country, and borrowings in PDVSA embarked, can not cope with an autonomous public undertaking or a non-considered and agreed within political institutions Bolivarian foreign policy.
The same applies to domestic political challenges, where a sparse resources and wasteful effort does not seem the best way to confront an increasingly articulate opposition to external enemies. Improvisation frame inexperienced unsuitable for handling large state funding threatens the unity of the Bolivarian pictures designations.
Finally, in terms of the development of certain documents must mention including some requested by President Nicolas Maduro own, the first concerning the International Strategic Map 10 who was delivered in due course to the foreign minister, Elias Jaua for consideration and analysis. The second document relates to the structural analysis of the national economy, with the name of ¨ Elements for Building a Productive ¨ Bolivarian Socialist Agenda. 11 Additionally, a paper on the current economic situation called ¨ Proposals for 2014 economic conditions drawn ¨ 12 material was delivered to the President and some Ministers, and then consigned to the Central Planning Commission. These latter documents are proposals on short-term economic policy, such as medium-term related to the implementation of Homeland Plan 2013-2019. In the case of Map International, continues to apply those jobs that were started in Yare and continued together with Commander Chavez, after leaving that venue on March 26, 1994.
Before concluding with this witness and to shoulder the responsibilities before history of this country, which I have never evaded, nor ever evadiré, I affirm that I will continue fighting for the independence of Venezuela and Latin American and Caribbean continent with the same constancy I've done it since I decided to take up arms against the notorious dictatorship of Trujillo, was still a student of engineering at the Central University of Venezuela in 1959, and in that land where I was born, San Francisco de Macoris, where my parents came and my brother to get out of a concentration camp in France as exiles, after my father had participated as a worthy member of the International Brigade Garibaldi ¨ ¨ back in Iberian territory defending the ideals of the Spanish Republic.
Opto thus continue to assume responsibility for my life, as I have always done, leaving this personal testimony, but I can not do is be part of other circumstances and decisions which are not acted according to my conscience and that of my deepest convictions. After the death of Commander Chavez, as expressed in this note, I decided to continue working in government, in the place which I was assigned, I always put in writing to the political leadership of the process, not only my disagreements, but also concrete proposals , which were not even mentioned, but are today endorsed by my behavior and my loyalty to the revolution. In these circumstances I prefer to stick to the statement attributed to the great universal writer Jose Saramago, ¨ the older more free, and the more radical free ¨.
1? View ¨ Chavez ¨ controversial and controversial figure. Posted in Daily Life Trilogy. (Editorial Caracas. Vadells Brothers., 2007). Volume III. pp. 217-225. Additionally see the Daily Impressions 2013.
2? Created a mechanism whose bases consisted of indebtedness of the Venezuelan state.
3? Hugo Chavez. Hit Rudder. First Council of Ministers of the new cycle of the Bolivarian Revolution. (Caracas. Ministry of Popular Power for Communication and Information. Apr. 2013). pp. 9-13.
4? Orientation of public policy at the start of a new presidential term. Mimeo. December 2012.
5? Economic counteroffensive. Mimeo. 02.03.2013.
6? Establishment of the Ministry of Planning and Finance. Reasons and development. Prospectus Documents concerning action taken. See in particular the publication ¨ Budgets and Reports. 2010-2013.
7? Open Letter. April 14, 2013.
8? Planning impossible to permanent Improvisation. Challenges of the Bolivarian process. Mimeo. August 2013.
9? View Jorge Giordani A. C. The Venezuelan transition to socialism. (Caracas. Vadells Brothers Publishers., 2009). p. 22.
10? International Strategic Map. Balance of World Power. V2. April 2014.
Productive 11Agenda Bolivarian Socialist. August 2013.
12? Proposals for the 2014 economic climate. March 2014.